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GIRLS☆DELIGHT#335# 春の夢千祭 ありがとうございました❕ 平日の早めのライブだったけどとっても楽しかったぁ❕❕ なんか体が軽くていつもより大きく踊れたよ🤭

初生誕祭！当日予約なしでも来れるよ！ 18:00～21:30の間何時でも大丈夫だよ♡♡ お酒飲める機会なかなかないから…… 会いに来てくれたら嬉しいな🥺💕 湯島カフェ 東京都文京区湯島3-35-6 2F だよ～！

明日はドキドキメイド&ライブ！ 夢野まな生誕祭@メイド喫茶ぴなふぉあ壱番星劇場 カフェ 11:30〜13:30(お給仕) ライブ受付13:35〜 ライブ 14:55〜15:10 物販 15:45〜16:30 よろしくお願いします😌✨

Japan's Prime Minister briefed her country with wet hair last night. Beijing would have detained the citizen who filmed it. At 10:29 p.m. on Friday, a magnitude 5.6 earthquake struck Japan's Yamanashi Prefecture, registering a maximum seismic intensity of lower 6 in the town of Fujikawaguchiko at the foot of Mount Fuji. By 11:15 p.m. — forty-six minutes later — Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi was standing at the Prime Minister's Office briefing the nation. Crisis management center activated. Director-general-level emergency gathering team convened. Human life first. Information to the public, promptly and accurately. She was also visibly straight out of the bath. Hair still wet. No makeup. Takaichi posted on her own X account a short time later, in plain language: she had come directly from the bath without time to dry her hair or apply makeup, and apologized for her appearance. She did not have to volunteer that detail. She chose to. That choice is the story. Because somewhere about 1,700 miles to the west, operating under the same physics but a very different political philosophy, the first hour after a magnitude 5.6 earthquake would have looked nothing like this. It would not have been spent activating a crisis center, dispatching emergency teams, and putting the head of government in front of cameras to admit she had rushed straight out of the shower. It would have been spent deciding what to tell the public, what to delete, and which citizen with a camera to detain. We know because we have watched it happen. In Wuhan in early 2020, the doctors who tried to warn the world about a novel coronavirus were summoned by police and forced to sign confessions for "spreading rumors." The citizen journalists who filmed the morgues and the sealed apartment doors — Chen Qiushi, Fang Bin, Li Zehua — were disappeared by the state. Fang Bin would later be sentenced to three years in prison; he was held for the duration. In Zhengzhou in July 2021, passengers drowned trapped in a flooded subway tunnel while state propaganda ran headlines about heroic rescue. When BBC correspondent Robin Brant asked the local government how a metro system less than a decade old could leave passengers to die on a platform, the Henan branch of the Communist Youth League posted his whereabouts to its 1.6 million followers and called for people to track him down. Death threats followed within hours. In Hebei in August 2023, when the floodwaters from Typhoon Doksuri had to go somewhere, authorities diverted them away from Beijing and into Zhuozhou — and the Hebei provincial Party Secretary, Ni Yuefeng, publicly declared the province would "serve as a moat for the capital." Videos of the submerged villages disappeared from Chinese social media within hours. And in Sichuan in 2008, after a magnitude 8.0 earthquake killed at least 5,335 schoolchildren in school buildings that collapsed while government offices nearby remained standing — what citizens named "tofu-dreg schoolhouses" — the writer Tan Zuoren tried to compile a list of the dead. He was sentenced to five years in prison. Huang Qi, the activist who tried to help the parents, got three years; in 2019, the Party gave him twelve more on state-secrets charges. He is still inside. The pattern is not a series of accidents. It is a system. In the People's Republic of China, the function of the state in a disaster is not to serve the public. It is to protect the Party from the public. Compare and contrast. In Tokyo on Friday night, the head of government decided that telling the country what she knew, forty-six minutes after the ground stopped shaking, mattered more than how her hair looked. In Beijing under any equivalent scenario, the head of government would not be at a podium for hours, or days. The citizens with cameras would already be on a list. Wet hair is not the real headline. Wet hair is the headline because of what it accidentally exposes: a democracy is a system that runs toward its citizens in the dark. A dictatorship is a system that hides from them. Sanae Takaichi did not need to apologize for her hair. The Chinese Communist Party owes apologies it will never make, to families whose dead it never named. ACI — Aric Chen | Insights

美光的营收指引真夸张！ 管理层给的 Q3 营收指引是 335 亿美元 ± 7.5 亿美元，毛利率大约 81 % 正式的 Q3 财报将在 2026 年 6 月 24 日发布。大概率会非常好，股价也早已经水涨船高。 我今天想讲的是， 如果 SK 海力士真的登陆纳斯达克，情况会不会有点像现在的 SpaceX 和 Rocket Lab？ $SPCX 上线时直接吸血 $RKLB ，这个月回调了差不多 16% 那SK 海力士 和 $MU 会不会也一样？ $MU 基本面依然很好，只是股价已经涨了不少，基本上利好已经 price in 了。 不要盲目追高。

全球已经产生了14家万亿级美元巨头公司！ 为什么海力士把10%营业利润作为奖金分给员工？ 券商预测‌2026全年人均奖金或达300–335万元人民币 即使市值破万亿，也是在变相表示， 它不会扩产，而是通过「维持需求紧平衡」来维持公司利益。 但若换了中国企业， 大概率只会小幅分红/不分红，而是把大部分盈利都投入到疯狂扩产中。 最终， 周期下行+产能过剩+一地鸡毛， 整个行业都赚不到钱，公司员工不但没有高收入，还拼命加班。 以上可作为一个案例， ·把更多利润分配给居民端，可增强中国消费能力； ·也减少了对产能的过度投入，反而也让生产端受益。 既然「生产端+居民端」都能受益，为何不执行呢？ 因为这么搞，地方gov就不受益了。 总之，冤有头债有主， 让打工牛马不舒服的，从来不是「资本家」； 就像让房价高涨的，也从来不是「炒房客&开发商」一样。 以上这一切的幕后黑手是谁， 大家现在还不明白么？

st-Room 335 Vol.6 小湊美和 【譲】 1st show 14:00開演 A席1枚 2nd show 17:30開演 A席1枚 【求】 定価 仕事が入ったため1枚譲り先を探しています。チケットはLive Pocketで分配します。 #小湊美和　##stRoom335#