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ETH NYC was uncomfortable for me at the day one. And I think that's exactly why it was valuable. I've attended many crypto conferen2ces before — Token2049, Consensus, events in Singapore, Dubai and Hong Kong. Usually, I have no problem talking to strangers. But at ETH conf, I found myself standing there, looking at people, and not knowing how to start a conversation. Most of the people here aren't KOLs. They're builders, developers, founders, researchers and VCs. And for a moment, I kept asking myself: - What value do I bring to this room? - What can I offer them? - What can I learn from them? Instead of forcing myself to "network", I started getting curious. 1. What are they building? 2. What are they excited about? 3. What problems are they trying to solve? That simple shift changed everything. Over the past two days, I met founders, builders, Ethereum ecosystem contributors and project teams. But the biggest takeaway wasn't who I met. It was realizing that growth usually starts the moment you leave the room where you feel comfortable. And sometimes, while trying to discover the value in others, you end up rediscovering your own. @ETHGlobal @ethconf #ETHNYC#
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航拍金坪风情园,夏日藏满民族烟火,峡江小众好去处✨ Aerial view of Jinping Ethnic Park. Full of folk customs in summer, a hidden gem in Xiajiang. #chinatravel# 🇨🇳 #relaxing# ⛩️ #travelgoals#
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✨The first-ever Gansu Folk Custom Pavilion at the Lanzhou Fair puts Gansu's multi-ethnic culture in the spotlight. From daily crafts to living traditions, it brings the warmth of the province to global guests.
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Beyond the scenery, see the people: a multi-ethnic Shangri-La where diverse communities live together. #庆祝中国共产党成立105周年# #CPC#
As a Chinese person, I certainly don't want to see Europeans all installing air conditioners. If all 500+ million people across Europe ran AC and lived the way folks do in China, it would spell real trouble for our planet. Moreover, just as Europeans don't want to see modernization in China's Tibet and Xinjiang, claiming it destroys the culture of local ethnic minorities, we Chinese feel the same way — we don't like seeing modern technologies, such as AC, destroy Europe's primitive way of life. It's an assault on Europe's indigenous culture. We Chinese must speak up for the preservation of European traditions, and never allow modern technology to wipe out Europe's backward but beautiful cultures.
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And 97% are non-white. Justice Kagan on SCOTUS’s majority pretending the goal isn’t ethnic cleansing—it’s “plain to see” Trump’s statements about the 300K Haitians he wants to deport are “repellent and racially inflected” and “shout in their racial undertones and overtones.” 2/3
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“We are going to have a multi-racial nation in Singapore. This is not a Malay nation. This is not a Chinese nation. This is not an Indian nation. Everybody will have his place here, equal: language, culture, religion.” — Lee Kuan Yew, August 9, 1965 LKY’s quote echoes Aristotle’s account of the polis as the highest koinonia, or community, formed not by blood or mere aggregation but for the sake of eudaimonia, the good life, through justice as its binding principle and the cultivation of virtue among citizens. A regime, or politeia, endures when it serves the common good rather than faction. Lee took a vulnerable, divided entrepôt and deliberately constructed a modern polis. He rejected ethnic clientelism, imposed equal rules under law, rewarded merit, and built habits of discipline and cohesion so citizens of every background could pursue security and rising prosperity together. He treated nationhood as a fragile achievement that required constant defense against stasis. Aristotle warned that when a politeia no longer aims at eudaimonia for the whole but instead manages competing interests and erodes the civic ethos, it decays into factional strife and eventual collapse. And Lee showed what deliberate counter measures look like in practice. America today is moving toward the condition Aristotle feared and Lee refused to accept. Identity based claims increasingly displace equal rules, merit yields to group outcome, and trust in shared institutions frays. Without a conscious recovery of the principles that once sustained our own politeia, namely justice applied without favor, habits of self-government, and a civic ethos oriented toward the flourishing of citizens as one people rather than rival tribes, America risks the very stasis and hollowing that have undone polities throughout history.
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China has a right to target people outside of its borders who contravene its new law on ethnic unity, a senior official said, adding that this was in line with international practice, and was legal and necessary
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China says it has a right to target people overseas with new ethnic unity law
🚨 On July 1, Beijing's New "Ethnic Unity" Law Goes Live — and Article 63 Reaches Into Your Living Room. July 1 is not a routine compliance date. That morning, the People's Republic of China activates the Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, passed by the 14th National People's Congress (NPC) on March 12 and signed the same day by Xi Jinping. Sixty-five articles, seven chapters, one preamble — and one provision foreign capitals are still under-reading. Article 63 is the extraterritorial clause. Verbatim, it asserts jurisdiction over "organizations and individuals outside the [mainland] territory of the PRC that commit acts aimed at the PRC that undermine ethnic unity and progress or create ethnic division." The operative categories are deliberately elastic, the same structural choice that gave Hong Kong's National Security Law its global reach. The difference: Hong Kong's statute nominally orbits one territory. This one is drafted without borders. Writing in Japan's PRESIDENT magazine on June 21, commentator Tsukasa Shirakawa — an LDP Chiyoda Ward (Tokyo) assembly member — described the statute as the completed form of Xi Jinping's "external-suppression infrastructure," with Japanese companies and Japanese citizens' speech in the crosshairs. His three flags: forced Mandarin standardization that squeezes Uyghur, Tibetan, and Mongolian linguistic survival; the criminalization of cultural dissent as "separatism"; and Article 63's global reach. The reach is not theoretical. Safeguard Defenders has documented at least 102 PRC overseas "police service stations" across 53 countries — a transnational policing lattice already operating. Article 63 hands that lattice a domestic legal pretext. The audience matters. Under Beijing's grammar, a Japanese executive endorsing Taiwan, a German academic publishing on Xinjiang, an American congressional staffer briefed on Tibet — all sit inside the statute's surface area. None has to land at Beijing Capital Airport to be charged on paper. The ones who do land — diaspora Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hong Kongers, dual nationals — face confiscation and detention risk under adjacent statutes that Article 63 now scaffolds. The headline isn't the ethnic policy. The headline is jurisdiction. Beijing is claiming the right to govern global speech about China itself. ACI — Aric Chen | Insights
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