与「XiJinping」相关的搜索结果

Little by little, grains of soil pile up to make a mountain and drops of water converge to form a river. 山积而高，泽积而长。 From the statement by President Xi Jinping at the United Nations Summit on Biodiversity, on Sept 30, 2020. #XiJinping# #ChineseWisdom# #XiQuotes#

The year 2026 marks the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC). Chinese President #XiJinping# once pointed out that people represent the nation, and the nation is made up of people. He also said the survival of a party depends on the support of its people, adding that with people's confidence and support, the CPC is invincible in the face of any obstacles. Xi's people-centered governing philosophy is inseparable from the influence of his father, Xi Zhongxun. "No matter what your job title is, serve the people diligently, consider the interests of the people with all your heart, maintain close ties with the people, and always stay approachable to the people," Xi Zhongxun once told his son.

📍Ensuring steady sailing forward of the giant ship of China-U.S. relations #China# #US# #bilateral# #XiJinping# #DonaldTrump# @SpoxCHN_MaoNing @AmbXieFeng @SpoxCHN_LinJian @xuejianosaka @salahzhang @zhang_heqing @consulat_de @ChenPingMFA @CGMeifangZhang

President Xi Jinping met with Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko. China and Belarus are true friends that trust and support each other, good partners that share common development and prosperity, as well as all-weather comprehensive strategic partners. The China-Belarus relationship has withstood the test of the changing international circumstances. It has grown by leaps and bounds in recent years, and entered its best time in history. Facts show that deepening China-Belarus all-weather, all-round cooperation is in line with the trend of the times and the fundamental interests of the two peoples.

President Xi Jinping met with Bangladesh’s Prime Minister Tarique Rahman, who is on an official visit to China. The two leaders jointly announced the decision to build a China-Bangladesh community with a shared future in the new era, elevating bilateral relations to a higher level.

This is genuinely shocking, and says so much about our approach to China. I decided to check for independent reviews of the English version Xi Jinping's latest book, published a year ago, to see what people had to say about it since I hadn't read it myself. To my surprise, I couldn't find any: not a single thoughtful review about the book out there! Even on Amazon, check it for yourself ( the book has only 3 ratings, that's it. No matter where you stand on China, you’ve got to admit that’s pretty crazy: the sitting president of the world's rising superpower publishes a 700-page book explaining exactly what he's doing and why, and we don’t even care to look. If there ever was a fact that illustrates just how willfully ignorant we are about China, this is it. All the more because we then go spew the usual clichés around how secretive and impenetrable the Chinese system is: the book is on Amazon for $21 for crying out loud! Anyhow, this felt so wrong that I figured I'd fix it. I bought the book, read it attentively and wrote what I hope you'll agree is a thoughtful review of it. The book contains genuinely surprising passages, such as Xi writing that oversight of the Communist Party by "the judiciary, the public, and the media" was not just something the Party must “readily accept,” but something that he framed as historically decisive - an essential component to "escaping the historical cycle of rise and fall" that has doomed every dynasty in China's history. Other passage that I'm sure would surprise many: a common narrative out there is that China blames the West for the century of humiliation and is driven by revenge. Well, Xi explains that's not true at all: the century of humiliation was China's own mistake, originated in the Ming Dynasty's disastrous "policy of national seclusion" that "resulted in China missing out on the opportunities presented by the Industrial Revolution" and "led to China’s decline." All in all, the book is remarkably self-reflective and thoughtful. For instance Xi recognizes that his drive for “full and rigorous internal governance” - including to rid the Party of corruption - risked "instill[ing] fear and apprehension, or intimidate members into inaction.” He emphasizes the need for pragmatism in this regard, codified in a framework called the “Three Distinctions” that separates honest mistakes - made while experimenting, reforming, or operating without precedent - from deliberate violations committed for personal gain. And many other surprises still. I found it a genuinely fascinating read for anyone interested in how the Chinese system works and how Xi thinks - or anyone interested in governance, period, as so much of what he writes is pretty universally applicable. This is the link to my review of the book, an article I titled "The Book the West Refuses to Read":

🚨 On July 1, Beijing's New "Ethnic Unity" Law Goes Live — and Article 63 Reaches Into Your Living Room. July 1 is not a routine compliance date. That morning, the People's Republic of China activates the Law on Promoting Ethnic Unity and Progress, passed by the 14th National People's Congress (NPC) on March 12 and signed the same day by Xi Jinping. Sixty-five articles, seven chapters, one preamble — and one provision foreign capitals are still under-reading. Article 63 is the extraterritorial clause. Verbatim, it asserts jurisdiction over "organizations and individuals outside the [mainland] territory of the PRC that commit acts aimed at the PRC that undermine ethnic unity and progress or create ethnic division." The operative categories are deliberately elastic, the same structural choice that gave Hong Kong's National Security Law its global reach. The difference: Hong Kong's statute nominally orbits one territory. This one is drafted without borders. Writing in Japan's PRESIDENT magazine on June 21, commentator Tsukasa Shirakawa — an LDP Chiyoda Ward (Tokyo) assembly member — described the statute as the completed form of Xi Jinping's "external-suppression infrastructure," with Japanese companies and Japanese citizens' speech in the crosshairs. His three flags: forced Mandarin standardization that squeezes Uyghur, Tibetan, and Mongolian linguistic survival; the criminalization of cultural dissent as "separatism"; and Article 63's global reach. The reach is not theoretical. Safeguard Defenders has documented at least 102 PRC overseas "police service stations" across 53 countries — a transnational policing lattice already operating. Article 63 hands that lattice a domestic legal pretext. The audience matters. Under Beijing's grammar, a Japanese executive endorsing Taiwan, a German academic publishing on Xinjiang, an American congressional staffer briefed on Tibet — all sit inside the statute's surface area. None has to land at Beijing Capital Airport to be charged on paper. The ones who do land — diaspora Uyghurs, Tibetans, Hong Kongers, dual nationals — face confiscation and detention risk under adjacent statutes that Article 63 now scaffolds. The headline isn't the ethnic policy. The headline is jurisdiction. Beijing is claiming the right to govern global speech about China itself. ACI — Aric Chen | Insights